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Posts Tagged ‘Monetary Policy’

GOP Openly Wishes For Bad Economy

September 19, 2012 1 comment

After the Federal Reserve’s announcement to engage in more quantitative easing, the Republican Party neglected to hide its cynicism and now openly complains that the Ben Bernanke is trying to boost the economy. The GOP argues that the Fed Chairman shouldn’t be fulfilling the second half of his dual mandate to seek maximum employment because that might help Obama win reelection.

Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, said Bernanke is “trying to juice the economy” before the Nov. 6 election, and it “looks to be political,” notes the website This Week.

At the website Conservative HQ, George Rasley called the Fed a “taxpayer-funded super PAC that has so-far pumped something like $2 trillion into the economy to help re-elect President Obama.”

And:

“It really is interesting that it is happening right now before an election,” Rep. Raul Labrador, an Idaho Republican, told The Hill prior to the Fed announcement. “It is going to sow some growth in the economy, and the Obama administration is going to claim credit.”

Paul Ryan denounced the monetary stimulus as a “bailout” of the economy. A Romney/Ryan fundraising letter criticized the Fed for its move “to prop up this administration’s jobless recovery.”

All these criticisms either implicitly or explicitly acknowledge that the Fed’s actions might improve the economy, yet they don’t want that to happen because it’d help the political prospects of their opponent. If anyone had any doubts, the GOP cares more about winning elections than helping the unemployed and struggling businesses.

Mitt Romney apparently believes that only tax cuts tilted toward the wealthiest Americans can really help the economy, everything else is “artificial and ineffective.” It’s tough to understand what the problem with “artificial” economic growth is. If it lowers unemployment and increases production those are tangible benefits in real people’s lives and businesses’ profits that we’re in no position to dismiss.

The conservative tradition in this country wasn’t always so purely cynical or married to the economic fringes. They once recognized that presidents and politicians weren’t the only determining factor for the state of the economy and that monetary policy may be the single most important policy tool for economic management. Today, the mainstream of the conservative movement regards cutting top marginal tax rates as the real and effective means to growth. Others -the ones that liberals favor – are imposters. If only it were as easy as cutting taxes; unfortunately, a complex global economic system doesn’t match up with the 1 dimensional fiction Republicans treat as textbook.  Turns out, tax cuts hardly matter at all in determining growth – especially when they’re already at historic lows.

At the level of taxes we’ve been at the last couple decades and the magnitude of the changes we’ve had, it’s hard to make the argument that tax rates have a big effect on economic growth,” Mr. [Donald] Marron [Tax Policy Center director and former Bush administration official] said. Similarly, a new report from the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service found that, over the past 65 years, changes in the top tax rate “do not appear correlated with economic growth.

The Fed has a duty to foster the conditions suitable for growth. Ben Bernanke doesn’t set tax policy, trade policy, or fiscal policy – he and his board of governors set monetary policy.  After 43 months of unemployment above 8 percent along with research showing that previous monetary easing created millions of jobs and with evidence-based theory suggesting that altering future expectations with an open-ended commitment to easy money improves growth, both parties should be encouraging the Fed to do whatever it can to get us back to full employment as soon as possible.

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A Libertarian’s Case For Government Intervention

August 16, 2011 Leave a comment

Bryan Caplan is one of my favorite libertarian writers. He’s very persuasive and even when he doesn’t convince me he’s consistently insightful. In his Wall Street Journal review of Nick Powdthavee’s book, The Happiness Equation, he highlights one of the most important metrics for evaluating public policy:

For instance, happiness research makes a powerful case against European-style labor-market regulation. For most economists, the effect on worker well-being is unclear. On the one hand, regulation boosts wages; on the other, it increases the probability that you will have no wages at all. From the standpoint of a happiness researcher, however, this is a no-brainer. A small increase in wages has but a small and ephemeral effect on happiness. A small increase in unemployment, by contrast, has a massive and—unlike most other factors—durable effect on happiness. Supposedly “humane” regulations to boost workers’ incomes have a dire cost in terms of human happiness.

At the other end of the political spectrum, consider immigration. The most pessimistic researchers find that decades of immigration have depressed native wages by about 5%, total. The effect of immigration on Third World migrants’ wages, by contrast, is massive: One recent paper finds that allowing a Haitian to take a low-skill job in the U.S. increases his earnings 10 times. If you care about happiness, the implication is clear: Government should get out of the way.

In many instances, he’s right, government should relax regulations that obstruct full employment. But maximum freedom doesn’t always lead to full employment. Market economies with lax regulation can suffer from painful volatility.

Furthermore, during times of high unemployment like today, government could boost employment at relatively low cost to future growth (or possibly no cost). The corollary to when Caplan argues that a “small increase in wages” isn’t worth the “small increase in unemployment” is that a small decrease in future wealth is worth an increase in today’s employment. Caplan’s sound logic should help convince policymakers to support public investment programs that employ idle workers and to reverse the fall in public employment.

(The surge around May and subsequent drop is mostly due to the temporary census workers)

Over regulation can often raise unemployment, but during downturns it can also provide worker safety as some German labor policies demonstrate. From The Economist’s Free Exchange blog:

Germany proceeded to protect its labour market from major disruption by the great recession, through the use of its “short work” labour sharing programme. Firms were encouraged to cut hours rather than jobs, and workers facing reduced work hours were provided an income subsidy. The result? Germany’s huge output fall produced only a labour market wiggle.

Caring about people’s happiness also makes a further mockery of the hysteria around any Fed policy that might generate higher inflation, which would certainly boost growth and lower unemployment.

If you care about happiness, the implication is clear: Bryan Caplan makes a great case for occasional government intervention.

GTSCW: Golden Edition

In this week’s Graphs that Subvert Conventional Wisdom we see why monetary policy shouldn’t be run by gold standard cranks that think it’s just obvious that the Fed’s loose monetary policy is debasing the dollar and causing commodity prices to spike. Only a gold standard can prevent that! Ahem.

David Andolfatto of the St. Louis Fed:

Imagine that you are 50 years old in September 1980. Imagine that a trusted friend of yours–oh, let’s say your doctor–convinces you to put all your savings into gold. The reason he offers is that the Fed is pursuing a policy of “relentless money expansion.” He warns you that the money supply is set to grow by 300% over the next 20 years. So you listen to him.

You buy gold at $673 per ounce. And then you wait. You wait until you turn 70. And then you go to withdraw your savings. You discover that the gold price in March 2001 is $263 per ounce. That’s a whopping rate of return of…wait for it… -60% over 20 years. That’s a minus sixty percent. 


(graph via MacroMania)

Scott Sumner Vs. The World of Progressives

March 30, 2011 2 comments

In a recent post Scott Sumner challenges a number of progressive assumptions and calls them out for the “”faith-based” reasoning that they tend to deride in conservatives.” Sumner is a monetary economist that progressives should be required to read to see that rational critiques actually exist of their fiscal policies. Sadly, the mainstream conservative movement gave up on dispassionate evaluation of public policy.

Sumner’s “progressive wishful thinking” criticism defends Greg Mankiw’s posts that upset the standard liberal story on the progressiveness of the US tax regime and on fiscal stimulus. The defense credibly knocks down some of the more fragile volleys from the Left flank.

Lindert showed that Europeans were able to raise more tax revenue only by having more regressive tax systems than the US, i.e. tax systems that relied more heavily on consumption taxes. This is now pretty much common knowledge in the public finance area.

That is an important point to disrupt some common progressive assumptions, but I don’t think it directly counters Ygelsias’s and others’ point that the wealthiest “pay a huge share of the total taxes in the United States because they have a huge share of the money.” But it seems to me that Sumner is largely right that the US tax code has a progressive rate structure even compared to Europeans.

Sumner also weighs in on where the US sits on the Laffer curve:

I’d argue that this data is strongly supportive of the view that both the US and Europe are near to tops of the Laffer Curve for total taxation.  I did not say then, nor do I claim now, that we are precisely at the top.  But I also don’t see any reason to believe that if we raised taxes from 28% to 40% of GDP, that revenue would rise anywhere near proportionately, with no change in GDP per capita.

I do think the Laffer curve is “far-fetched” but I don’t deny that revenues always rise “proportionately, with no change in GDP per capita.” It is illustrative that Sumner doesn’t quote anyone making that claim he’s rebutting. Most popular proponents of the Laffer curve like to claim that tax cuts actually raise revenue not just that tax increases dampen receipts a bit. But the Left should think harder about challenging their assumptions with reference to European models if they’re going to argue for a much more progressive tax code. I’m with him on a progressive consumption tax.

Most interesting, and surprising, to me was Sumner’s claim that “for decades our best macroeconomists have been saying that that fiscal stimulus is a bad idea.” I really wish he cited something here because if true I’m embarrassed that I wasn’t aware of this. I always assumed economists like Christina Romer were true authorities on this, but I willing to confront a counter consensus of experts if it exists. Not that a consensus of experts is always correct but we should be giving more deference to it, as Bertrand Russell makes clear in Let People Think:

(1) that when the experts are agreed, the opposite opinion cannot be held to be certain; (2) thet when they are not agreed, no opinion can be regarded as certain by a non-expert; and (3) that when they all hold that no sufficient grounds for a positive opinion exist, the ordinary man would do well to suspend his judgment.

Sumner correctly emphasizes the need for more monetary action, which could be even more important than fiscal stimulus to help our economy. I haven’t neglected monetary policy but have focused mainly on the fiscal side because (1) it’s easier to convey (2) it’s more direct (3) it’s something that politicians (and, therefore, the public) have more influence over. Matt Yglesias is certainly right that progressives need to grapple more with Fed policy (must read) and that Obama’s biggest mistake might be his lack of focus staffing the Fed.

I’m extremely disappointed Sumner is taking a break from blogging. I hope he returns soon and continues to offer insightful and challenging commentary. I’ll be sure to rummage through his archives – others should too.

The Socratic Method and Right-Wing Talking Points

November 22, 2010 Leave a comment

Whenever evaluating policies, I find it useful to form a logical model in my mind of how different scenarios should plausibly work out. Doing so requires I walk through various alternatives through their logical steps. I hope some Socratic questioning can be illuminating for us.

Questions for inflationists:

Do you think inflation, currently at historical lows, would be higher, lower, or the same had we not used fiscal stimulus and the first round of quantitative easing?

The Fed has already loosened monetary policy and previously tried the first round of quantitative easing which expanded the money supply in the economy. The Bush and Obama administrations expanded the money supply through fiscal stimulus. Presumably we’d have lower inflation had those policies not happened. At 0.6% annual increase in CPI, wouldn’t deflation have been a likely possibility?

Given all their rhetoric about soaring inflation and the dangers of flooding the economy with cheap money, you’d think they’d answer it’d be lower. But if it was any lower it’d be outright deflation.

Finally for all those worried about the dangers of printing money to fight off potential deflation, what would the inflation picture have to look like for you to argue that the government or the Fed should add more money into the economy?

Questioning uncertainty:

There is no doubt that there is uncertainty in our markets. Advocates of fiscal and monetary stimulus are under no obligation to deny that uncertainty can negatively affect the economy. In their popular Keynesian book, Animal Spirits, George Akerlof and Robert Shiller approvingly quote Washington Post writer Anna Youngman from the Great Depression:

At present, Mr. Dupont [president of the chemical company] notes, there is uncertainty about the future burden of taxation, the cost of labor, the spending policies of the Government, the legal restrictions applicable to industry-all matters affecting computations of profit and loss. It is this uncertainty rather than any deep-seated antagonism to governmental policies that explains the momentary paralysis of industry…

If it actually exists to the level some conservatives now say it does (I’m still waiting on the evidence: here and here), how far does this etherial “uncertainty” go?  And to what extent should it affect our policy decisions?

This is how I come at the question. Currently aggregate demand is very low. Small businesses are reporting in greater numbers that “poor sales” is a major problem. Personal consumption and retail sales remain low.

Graph: Retail Sales: Total (Excluding Food Services)

Earlier last year government consumption was offsetting some of the drop in private consumption, but as fiscal stimulus fades that has also dropped off.

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So imagine you own a company that produces shoes. You’re uncertain how different legislation will affect your future costs – you may believe your taxes could go up, so maybe you shouldn’t hire another worker despite receiving lots of applications. You’re making decent money now and your workers are producing more than enough shoes to satisfy their current customers. You have plenty of excess capacity to make more shoes but, since labor costs a lot (healthcare, taxes, salary, training, etc) you may even be keeping your workers’ hours fairly limited and may even cut back. I think that largely encapsulates the uncertainty picture for a business.

Now let’s assume that all of a sudden there is a big spike in demand for your product (which is what stimulus advocates want to create). You’re selling your supply out. There is NO CHANGE in healthcare legislation, tax rates, labor costs, and shoe material costs, although you’re still uncertain about the future of those costs. If you were the shop owner, can you imagine yourself still not hiring new workers if doing so would be the only short-term way you could satisfy the increased demand for your product?

I submit that businesses aren’t going to forgo making more money now to sell customers more of what they want because they are “uncertain” about various potential future problems. This scenario doesn’t suggest that uncertainty doesn’t matter at all; it just suggests that when looking at the policy prescriptions it seems to have little value for our short-term unemployment crisis.

Now consider another scenario. You’re a business owner that has poor sales, but the congress decides to repeal the healthcare bill, permanently continue all the Bush tax cuts currently in place, cut unemployment benefits, cancel any unspent stimulus money, downsize the federal employment roles, and will promise not to add any new regulations on business. Furthermore, the Fed decides not to add any more money into the economy.

I can’t prove that businesses wouldn’t upon hearing this news and rush out and hire lots of new workers, but let’s just say I’m skeptical of how strong that changes the incentive of businesses to hire new workers.

In our economy we have poor sales and, according to many, policy uncertainty created by the Obama administration and the Fed. In scenario 1, there are poor sales and uncertainty. If poor sales change to strong sales while uncertainty continues, it seems businesses will still hire new workers. In scenario 2, there are poor sales and uncertainty. Nothing was done to directly shift demand rightward by increasing consumption, but some supply side and other right-wing wishes were granted. So we supposedly tackled “uncertainty” but not sales. I personally don’t see how that clearly answers the unemployment problems in our economy. Yet this is the position of some on the political right (via Kevin Drum).

What am I missing? What’s Phase 2?

Monetary Policy isn’t a Radical Left-Wing Idea

November 17, 2010 3 comments

Just in case people think quantitative easing is some left-wing wacky idea, here are some conservative economists that favor it.

Scott Sumner:

When I started my blog in early 2009, fiscal stimulus was the hot issue.  Many conservatives were opposed to fiscal stimulus, arguing (correctly in my view) that it would fail.  And they made it quite clear that “failure” meant deficit spending would fail to boost nominal spending.  The implicit assumption was (almost everyone agreed) that more nominal output would be desirable, and the argument was that fiscal stimulus could not deliver it.  With monetary stimulus, the right is making exactly the opposite argument—they are opposed to QE because it might succeed in boosting NGDP.  Both fiscal and monetary stimulus boost NGDP (if they work at all) by shifting AD to the right.  Whether that extra spending shows up as inflation or real growth is of course an important issue.  But it makes no sense to argue fiscal stimulus would fail because it would not boost NGDP, and simultaneously argue that monetary stimulus would fail because it would increase NGDP.  I’m sure the right doesn’t think of its views in those terms, but that is essentially the message they are sending out, and it is an extremely incoherent message.

Greg Mankiw:

My view is that QE2 is a modestly good idea.  I say it is a “good idea” because, like Ben Bernanke, I am more worried at the moment about Japanese-style deflation and stagnation than I am about excessive inflation.  By lowering long-term real interest rates below where they otherwise would be, QE2 should help expand aggregate demand.  I include the modifier “modestly” because I don’t expect these actions to have a very large effect.

Milton Friedman:

Well, it is impossible to say whether he’d support QEII specifically because he’s dead, but he certainly didn’t have a problem with using monetary policy as a tool to increase the money supply to remedy the economy.

“The Bank of Japan can buy government bonds on the open market…” he wrote in 1998. “Most of the proceeds will end up in commercial banks, adding to their reserves and enabling them to expand…loans and open-market purchases. But whether they do so or not, the money supply will increase…. Higher money supply growth would have the same effect as always. After a year or so, the economy will expand more rapidly; output will grow, and after another delay, inflation will increase moderately.”

Fed Up

September 19, 2010 Leave a comment

The legislature is clearly impotent to do much to improve the economy right now. It looks like the best it can hope for is piecemeal bills to keep things from getting much worse. Given that it seems the Fed really needs to step in, stop worrying about its image, and do what it can to help the economy. Here’s a few ideas that seem worth trying to me.


If the Fed promises to keep increasing the money supply until prices rise by, say, 3 percent a year, people should eventually start spending. Otherwise, if they just held the money, it would be worth 3 percent less each year.

In a self-fulfilling prophecy, the Fed could stimulate spending and the economy, and at no cost to the Treasury

Mark Thoma seconds Cowen’s own questions about that policy:

As for Tyler’s (and others’) call for monetary policy instead of fiscal policy, here’s the problem. It relies upon changing expectations of future inflation (which changes the real interest rate). You have to get people to believe that the Fed will actually be willing to create inflation in the future when it comes time to do so. However, it’s unlikely that it will be optimal for the Fed to cause inflation when the time comes. Because of that, the best policy is to promise that you’ll create inflation, then renege on the promise when it comes time to follow through. Since people know that, and expect the Fed will not actually carry through, it’s hard to get them to change their expectations now. All that credibility the Fed has built up and protected concerning their inflation fighting credentials works against them here. 

Bruce Bartlett:

Thus many economists believe that the Fed has unwittingly encouraged banks to sit on their cash and not lend it by paying interest on reserves. Eliminating interest on reserves would therefore encourage lending. A rumor that the Fed might do so caused the stock market to rise earlier this week, according to press reports. But the policy remains in place.

Discouraging Excess Reserves 

Some economists go further and suggest that the Fed impose a penalty rate on excess reserves. This is what Sweden’s central bank does. There, banks currently pay 0.25 percent on reserves — called the deposit rate — rather than receiving 0.25 percent as they do here. This may be a key reason why Sweden has bounced back much more rapidly from the worldwide economic crisis than the United States has.

Scott Sumner enlists Milton Friedman to support monetary stimulus:

I forget to mention the interest on reserves policy, which is very similar to the 1936-37 policy of doubling reserve requirements.  Both programs only raised short term rates by about a 1/4 point, but Friedman (and Schwartz) understood that the 1937 policy was highly contractionary despite the tiny interest rate increase, because it sharply reduced the money multiplier.  He would have been a severe critic of the current IOR policy.

[update 09/20]: Here’s a David Leonhardt column from about a month ago that should help squelch some readers fears about inflation.

(Bureau of Labor Statistics, via Haver Analytics) (Six-month change in the Consumer Price Index.)

Over the last two years, inflation has been zero. Over the last year, it has been just 1.3 percent. Over the last six months, it has been below zero — negative 0.7 percent.

[…]

The Fed — especially the regional Fed banks — is filled with economists and bankers who have strong memories of the 1970s and 1980s inflation. They’re always on guard against it.

There is no question that inflation can be terrible. Right now, though, it sure looks like the last war. 

By the way, can we at least fully staff the Federal Reserve!? 

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